The Housing
Protests in Israel
Join the Arab
Revolution!
No to the Housing
Discrimination against Arabs!
We have gathered here
today to protest the increase in the costs of living in Israel in the last decade,
which have lately become unbearable. Thus, after years of relative silence the
Israelis, led by the middle class, have erupted with the mass protests we see
today. However, we must all remember, that while the Israelis enjoy relatively
high living standards, their Palestinian neighbors, citizens and non-citizens,
face the continued theft of their lands, jobs, and in the case of Gaza
especially, are even denied the most essential commodities necessary for life
such as food and medicine. Hundreds of thousands remain trapped in refugee
camps and face the deadly fire of Israeli machine guns should they try to
return to their homeland.
Today, we wish to appeal
to our Jewish Israeli brothers and sisters with the ever inconvenient and blunt
truth: that without a complete unification of this struggle with the
Palestinian and the regional Arab revolutions, every concession the government
makes will come directly out of the mouths, and from under the feet, of the
Palestinians. This can only fan the flames of nationalism and make peace and
security for any of the peoples of the region even harder to achieve than they
are today.
We, as working class
revolutionaries, obviously sympathize with the Jewish workers and middle class
who are today struggling against ever-increasing economic exploitation at the
hand of the state. We in no way intend to use our criticisms of the politics of
the movement as an excuse for abstaining from it. But we have absolutely no
intention to hide these criticisms either, and for good reason: while the Arab
world burns with political and social revolution, the mass of Israeli Jews
remain faithful to their own state, despite their struggle against this
specific government. Indeed, the problem with the Israeli working class has
never been an inability to rise up against the government on economic issues or
even some political issues; the problem is that most of the Jewish working
class in Israel is incapable of joining the struggle against Zionist
oppression.
This is not the first
time the Israelis have come out en masse to protest government policy. The
early years of the state witnessed impressive struggles of the dock workers,
which even formed a Soviet of sorts; a struggle against the recession in the
1960s, which many believed was planned by the ruling MAPAI party; and the mass
demonstrations against the Sabra and Shatila massacres in 1982. This last
demonstration, even with its dovish-Zionist character, was a thousand times
more progressive than the current movement. It at least touched on the question
of racist oppression; the current movement ignores the status of Palestinians
altogether and indeed avoids "politics" (i.e., the national question)
as a matter of policy.
The strength of a
working class movement is measured in its ability to break with its ruling
class politically. The Israeli masses did not come out to protest the terrible
treatment of Palestinians, nor the Lebanon War, nor the massacres in Gaza known
in Israel as "Cast Lead". The movement against various racist laws passed
by the Knesset, including the Nakba and Anti-Boycott Laws, was limited to small
groups of left-Zionist intellectuals. In this sense, the recent demonstrations
expose not the revolutionary potential of the Jewish working class (which, we
have no doubt, exists to some extent), but rather its limitations.
Contrast this to the
situation in the rest of the Middle East. In places in which the working class
is strong like in Egypt and Tunisia, the masses, headed by the working class,
managed to overthrow their despots and in Egypt the revolution goes even
further. Merely a couple of months ago the masses in Egypt thought that the
army stands with the masses, but now they learn that the heads of the military
are part of the link between capital and political power. Merely a couple of
months ago, they believed that the Muslim Brotherhood stand with them, but now
they learn that this movement supports the army. This shows a real advance in
working class consciousness and a gradual break with the ruling class.
The cause for this
difference is not difficult to comprehend. It is deeply rooted in the
privileged status of Jews living in Israel. Even though living standards for
Jews in Israel are among the worst in the developed world, they are far better
than those of Palestinians in the territories and even inside Israel itself.
Cheaper or not, practically every Israeli Jew knows that his housing is
available to him primarily due to the driving out of Palestinians by the state
during the 1947-8 war. This is just an example of the privileges afforded to
Israeli Jews by the state, that weigh like a nightmare on the consciousness of
the Jewish working class in Israel.
These privileges are
hardly due to the altruism of the Israeli ruling class. Israel receives an
enormous amount of financial, political and military support from the richest
countries in the world, headed by the US, for it to be able to fulfill the role
it was conceived to play – securing their interests in the Middle East. Their
main motivation is the two great natural resources of this area – oil and cheap
labor. In order for Israel to fulfill its role within the imperialist system's
division of labor, they must turn the Israelis into oppressors on the one hand
and cannon fodder on the other. They demand that Jews kill and be killed
serving the interests of the big capitalists and the government. Any struggle
against the Israeli capitalists can only be successful if it challenges
capitalism and imperialist oppression in the region.
We must again emphasize
that our criticisms are not meant to be taken as mere moralizing or as an
abstract demand for Israeli Jews to repent for past sins. Communists are
interested not in moral superiority but in a working class revolution. But the
problem remains that a class that cannot come to terms with and renounce the
crimes of its ruling class will never make a socialist revolution. Thus, our
approach is aimed not to alienate Israeli Jews but instead to reach the best
elements of the Jewish working class who are capable of such a break with the
ruling class, for only they will be able to join the socialist revolution of
the working masses of the region.
We have no doubt that
the Palestinian masses would join such a revolution because of their continued
oppression over decades. Also, we have no doubt that the Arab masses throughout
the Middle East are sympathetic with their Palestinian brothers and their
suffering. The way for the Jewish masses to join the Arab revolution is by
joining the Palestinian masses in their struggle to create a workers' state
from the river to the sea as part of a workers' federation in the entire
region. It is the duty of revolutionaries to work their hardest to make this
perspective a reality; however, we must realize that in all likelihood, we will
not be able to recruit the majority of Jews to the revolution, and thus our
perspective must focus on the Palestinian working class and those Jews willing
to join it, as well as securing the sympathetic neutrality of the rest of the
Jewish working class.
The workers' state that
would be formed out of the regional revolution would allow the return of the
refugees, who also suffer from harsh problems in the field of housing, as they
were driven off their lands by Israel. With the return of the refugees the
workers' state would become Palestinian in its national character. However,
Jews who would struggle alongside the Palestinians in a revolutionary struggle,
will also become a part of the ruling class - the workers and the poor,
Palestinians and Jews alike.
As we have said, the
only real way to make any gains in the struggle for economic demands is to link
the struggle with the Arab working class revolution and specifically with the Palestinian
struggle against the state. In this context, one can hardly appreciate a
struggle regarding housing which does not discuss the question of housing for
Palestinians. While Jews have a difficult time for housing, Palestinians have a
hard time even receiving permits to build houses. Thus, many construction
projects have to be undertaken illegally and produce shoddy and unsafe housing.
A primary demand of any struggle on housing in Israel which truly wishes to
unite all of society behind must be to end this dreadful discrimination in
housing - no ifs, ands or buts.
The Zionists are trying
to teach Jewish workers day and night that the Arab masses are their enemies,
especially the Palestinians, but this is nothing short of a lie they use to
keep ruling and fill the pockets of the big capitalists. The Jewish workers'
real enemy is the same as that of any other working class - the capitalist
system.
If you agree with our
position, please contact and join us:
For quality and cheap
government housing for all, Jews and Arabs!
No to the prevention of
building permits from Palestinians!
No to the demolition of
Palestinian houses and land theft!
For Jewish solidarity
with the Arab masses!
For a socialist
revolution in the Middle East!
For a Palestinian workers'
state from the river to the sea!
Jewish and Arab
revolutionaries together in power!